>> DRUMMOND: Another great day at Google. So I want to welcome everybody to the latest
installment of Candidates at Google. For those of you who don't know me, I'm David Drummond,
Senior Vice President of Corporate Development, the company's Chief Legal Officer. I'm very
pleased and distinctly honored here to welcome back to Google Senator Barack Obama. I say
welcome back because for those of you who were around in the summer of 2004, you may
remember at TGIF in which I joined Larry and Sergey on this stage and introduced to the
assembled Googlers then senate candidate Obama. And Barack had been in the Bay Area and he
wanted to come down and see what we were up to here at Google, see what this Google thing
was all about. And he had a great visit. He came and did the tour. He saw the GeoDisplay,
the Search Traffic, and he saw the servers, and everything we had at Google. We sat down
with Larry and Sergey. We had a great talk about innovation, about policy, and he later
wrote about that in his book, The Audacity of Hope. And I know all of you have a copy
of that. And all in all a great visit. And, you know, while it was a fantastic visit,
I now realized that we made a grave error that day at TGI, we didn't let him speak.
So, ladies and gentlemen, today, we are going to rectify that error. We are thrilled that
Senator Obama has chosen Google to unveil his innovation agenda. And you're going to
hear that today and we're very, very excited about what that means for the country and
I think you will be too. Following that, Eric's going to come up on the stage and do a Q&A
with Senator Obama. And following that, you'll have your chance to ask your question. So,
without anything further, please join me in giving an enormous Google welcome back to
Senator Barack Obama. Thanks. >> OBAMA: Thank you. Thank you. Thank you,
every body. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you so much. What a--what a wonderful reception.
I am so grateful to all of you for showing such interest in taking the time to be here
today. I want to thank Larry and Sergey and Eric and, obviously, David for helping to
set this up. I am extremely grateful to all of them for their leadership and their friendship.
And I also want to acknowledge state Senator Elaine Alquist who is here. This is her district,
and since I used to be a state senator I always want to give her, her props, so it's wonderful
to see her as well. So, thank you. Well, it is wonderful to be back. As David said I was
here about 3 years ago and had just a wonderful visit. It was such a striking visit for me.
It made such an impression that I ended up writing about it in my book. And so it's always
good to be back in Mountain View and it's good to see that Google is maintaining its
strict dress code. When you stop to think about it, there is
something improbable about this gathering. After all it wasn't much more than a decade
ago that Larry and Sergey got together in a dorm room as graduate students, with a big
idea to organize all of the world's information into an accessible form. And at that time,
I was an Illinois state senator doing my best to help people get a better shot at their
dreams. What we shared is a belief in changing the world from the bottom-up, not the top-down.
That a bunch of--that ordinary people can do extraordinary things. We shared that. We
also shared a bunch of student loans that still needed to be paid off. And you would
have found it hard to predict that Larry and Sergey would now be the co-founders of one
of the most successful companies in recent history and that I would be standing on this
stage today as a candidate for president of the United States. But this is where improbable
journeys have led. This is where the moment finds us. And I'd like to say a few words
about what I believe we have to do together, to seize this moment with a sense of purpose
and a sense of urgency. We know how the first chapters of the Google story have turned out.
After all, all of you have good jobs. But we also know that the Google story is more
than just being about the bottom line. It's about seeing what we can accomplish when we
believe in things that are unseen, when we take the measure of our changing times and
we take action to shape them. And that's why we're here today, that's why many of you decided
to work here instead of someplace else. Technology and innovation have reshaped our economy and
our lives at breathtaking speed. America's been fighting to figure out how to tap this
awesome new resource that we have, and Google has helped to show us the way. But the story
is far from over. Google’s story is far from over. The story of how we shaped our
changing times is far from over. What comes next depends on the choices that we make right
now, at this moment, in this election. We could see the spirit of innovation that started
this company be stifled. We could see the internet divided up to the highest bidders.
We could see a government that uses technology to shut people out, instead of letting them
in. Tax break shuffled to special interests while the next start-up, the next Google can't
get a fair shot. Challenges like healthcare and energy that hold our country back while
competition from other nations picks up. That's one alternative. Another alternative is for
us to unlock a new future of opportunity. Together we could open up the government and
invite all citizens in while connecting all of America to 21st century Broadband. We could
use technology to help achieve universal healthcare, to reach for a clean energy future, and to
ensure that young Americans can compete and win in the global economy. If America recommits
itself to science and innovation, then we can lead the world to a new future of productivity
and prosperity. That's what we can do if we seize this moment. That's the choice we face.
And as president, I intend to work with you to write the next chapter in the story of
American innovation. That's part of the reason why I'm running for president of the United
States. To seize this moment, we have to ensure free and full exchange of information, and
that starts with an open internet. I will take--I
will take a backseat to no one in my commitment to network neutrality, because once providers
start to privilege some applications or websites over others, then the smaller voices get squeezed
out and we all lose. The internet is perhaps the most open network in history and we have
to keep it that way. To seize this moment, we have to connect all of America to 21st
century infrastructure. As president, I will set a goal of ensuring that every American
has Broadband access, no matter where you live, no matter how much money you have or
don't have. We will raise the standards for Broadband speed. We will connect schools and
libraries and hospitals. And we’ll take on the special interest so that we can finally
unleash the power of wireless spectrum for our safety, our security, and our connectivity.
To seize this moment, we have to use technology to open up our democracy. It's no coincidence
that one of the most secretive administrations in our history, has favored special interests
and pursued policies that could not stand up to the sunlight. As president, I'm going
to change that. We will put government data online in universally accessible formats.
I'll let citizens--I'll let citizens check federal grants, contracts, earmarks, and lobbying
contracts. I'll let you participate in government forums, ask questions in real time, offer
suggestions that will be reviewed before decisions are made, and let you comment on legislation
before it is signed. And to ensure that every government agency is meeting 21st century
standards, I will appoint the nation's first chief technology officer to coordinate and
make certain that we are always at the forefront of technology and that we are incorporating
it into every decision that we make. And if you want to know how I'll govern, just look
at our campaign. We’ve received over 370,000 donations online, half of which have been
under $25. Nearly 300,000 Americans have their own accounts on BarackObama.com. They’ve
created—they’ve created thousands of grassroots groups. They've offered up over 15,000 policy
ideas, because we believe the real change can only come from the bottom-up, and technology
empowers people to come together to make that change. Because at this moment, I think we
have to do more than to get our house in order, the opportunity in front of us is bigger than
that. Seizing this opportunity is going to depend on more than what the government does
or even what the technology sector does. It's going to depend on how together we harness
technology to confront the biggest challenges that America faces. Just imagine what we could
do. If we commit ourselves to electronic medical records, then we can lift up the quality of
healthcare and reduce error and dramatically lower costs. If we take on--if we take on
special interests and make aggressive investments and clean a renewable energy like Google has
done with solar here in Mountainview, that we can end our addiction to ore, create millions
of jobs and save the planet in the bargain. If we make technological literacy a fundamental
part of education then we can give our children the skills they need to compete and ensure
the next generation of scientists and engineers as being educated right here in America. We
can do this, but we can't wait because Silicon Valley is not the only corner of innovation
in the world. If America doesn't seize this moment, then we will face only more competition
from Dubai and Dublin, from Shanghai and Mumbai. So, instead of George Bush's policy of undermining
science, I intend to double federal funding for basic research and make the R&D tax credit
permanent. To keep--to keep the door open for the next generation of start-ups, I'll
enforce tough anti-trust laws, and to ensure that America continues to track the world's
best and brightest, we need comprehensive immigration reform that strengthens permanent
resident visas like the H-1B program. We need to make sure that the next success story,
the next Google, happens here in America. The Google stories about what can be achieved
when we cultivate new ideas and keep the playing field level for new businesses. But it's also
about not settling for what we've already achieved, it's about constantly raising the
bar so that we're more competitive. And so we use technology to reach ever expanding
horizons. You know, the first time I was back here in 2004, Larry showed me the image that
tracks all the internet searches taking place in the world. I wrote about this in my book.
And I saw the earth rotating on a flat panel monitor with the different lights for different
languages marking all the traffic on this wondrous network, the network that didn't
even exist when almost all of us here were born, almost. But what struck me wasn't the
light on that globe; it was the darkness. Most of Africa, chunks of Asia, even parts
of the United States, the disconnected corners of our interconnected world where the promise
of the 21st century is being eclipsed by peril. You and I must not settle for anything less
than an America that replaces that darkness with a new light, because the promise and
prosperity of the new economy must not be the property of the few. It must be a force
that lifts up our entire country and ultimately lifts up the entire world.
We have the privilege to live in a transformational moment, a moment when an idea can change the
world, a moment when technology empowers us to come together as never before while letting
each of us reach for our own individual dreams, a moment when we can finally progress and
move beyond the huge challenges that have stood in the way of progress for far too long.
We cannot and we must not look back and regret that we settled for anything less. And that's
why I'm asking you to join me in seizing this moment, I'm asking you to join me in changing
the world. Thank you very much everybody. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you.
Eric, come on up. Thank you. >> SCHMIDT: Brilliant. Brilliant.
>> OBAMA: Thank you so much. >> SCHMIDT: Thank--thank you, Senator, for
such a strong message about innovation. >> OBAMA: Thank you.
>> SCHMIDT: Senator Obama, the product of a Kansas mother and a father from Kenya, born
in Hawaii; your history, of course, Columbia, Harvard, state senator, now, senator running
for president, welcome to Google. >> OBAMA: Thank you so much. Thank you.
>> SCHMIDT: When you see yourself in the presidency in 2008, 2009, and for many years, what is
it that you're going to do that's exceptional? What is your fundamental reason why you think
this company--this country, excuse me, is going to be--is going to be a great country?
And by the way... >> OBAMA: Is this the kind of interview that
you guys want too? >> SCHMIDT: And your book is really extraordinary,
its title is The Audacity of Hope. >> OBAMA: Yeah. Well, Eric, first of all,
thanks, thanks for letting me be here, and the reason that book is called The Audacity
of Hope is it captures an idea that got me into politics in the first place, which is
that part of what has been great about America is there’s a certain audacious quality,
this belief that this ragtag bunch of revolutionaries can overthrow the greatest empire on earth,
start a government that we've never seen operate before, spread across the continent, create
the greatest economy and the greatest democracy in our history, and then overcome barriers,
both internal and external that would prevent us from making progress. There's a certain
confidence and boldness to the idea of America. And the reason I'm running for president right
now, because oftentimes people ask me, "Why now?" You know, if I waited 10 years, I'd
be still younger than most of the other candidates, that's true. It is because I think we are
at a defining moment in our history, our nation is at war, the planet is in peril, ordinary
Americans are working harder for less. They feel as if the dream that generations fought
for is slowly slipping away. There are costs for everything, from healthcare to college
have gone up. They're finding it more difficult to save, difficult to retire, and they don't
feel as if anybody in Washington is listening to them. And when I made the decision, I sat
down with my wife, and I asked myself three questions: One, could my family survive the
rigors of presidential campaign? And because my wife is exceptional and my children are
above average, we figured we could do it, and they’ve been great. That's also true.
The second question we asked was, "Could we win?" And we determined that we could. But
the third question was, I asked myself the question you asked, because I think so much
is at stake right now that running for president can't be about just ambition this time, there's
got to be a rationale. And what I concluded is this; I believe I can more effectively
bring this country together to solve problems than on the other candidate. And, yeah, we
have seen a gridlock where 45% of the country is on one side, 45% of the country is on the
other, we've got 10% in the middle, they all live in Ohio and Florida apparently, and so,
political contest just become beating down the other side and eking out of victory one
way or the other, but you can't govern. And the problems we face, whether it's climate
change or healthcare or our standing in the world are so enormous that we have to govern,
we have to make good decisions, so that's number one. Number two, is I--I have taken
on the special interest in the past and of one and I've got an instinct of bias to push
against the status quo, which I think is really needed right now because Washington has become
captive of special interest that are making decisions not based on reason, not based on
competition, not based on innovation, but all too often based on who's got the most
juice, who's got the most clout, and that has to change. And the third--the third thing
and this is the last thing is--you mentioned in my background--I was shaped by a new global
perspective. I grew up in Hawaii. I lived in Indonesia. I have family all around the
globe. And the damage that's been done over the last seven years and outstanding in the
world is so significant that we have to have the next president engage in a level of personal
presidential diplomacy that I think is unmatched at least since World War II. And I believe
that the day I'm inaugurated, the--not only does the country look at itself differently
but the world looks at America differently. And I'm able to go to Africa and speak to
them about development and problems of corruption and our obligations towards that continent,
and I could say--I've got a grandmother in a small African village without electricity
or running water. So I have a little credibility that no other president could match. If I
go to a Muslim leader, I can speak to them and I can say, "I am a Christian but I live
in the country with the largest Muslim population in the world. And so, I don't assume a clash
of civilizations. I think that there's something we have in common that we can potentially
build on. And I have a level of credibility that no other president has. That I think
is what's going to be necessary to lead us out of the problems that we're in right now.
>> SCHMIDT: You know--well. Now, Senator, you're here at Google and I like to think
of the presidency as a job interview. Now, it's hard to get a job...
>> OBAMA: Right. >> SCHMIDT: As president...
>> OBAMA: Right. >> SCHMIDT: And--I mean, you're going to do
a great job. It's also hard to get a job at Google.
>> OBAMA: Right. >> SCHMIDT: We have questions and we ask our
candidates questions. And this one is from Larry Schwimmer.
>> OBAMA: Okay. >> SCHMIDT: What--you guys think I'm kidding,
it's right here. What is the most efficient way to sort a million 32-bit integers?
>> OBAMA: Well... >> SCHMIDT: Maybe--I'm sorry...
>> OBAMA: No, no, no, no. I think--I think the bubble sort would be the wrong way to
go. >> SCHMIDT: Come on. Who told him this? Okay.
I didn't see computer science in your background. >> OBAMA: We've got our spies in there.
>> SCHMIDT: Well, why not--okay, let's ask a different interview question. Well, obviously,
more serious. You're notable in this campaign for your steadfast opposition to the Iraq
War. >> OBAMA: Right.
>> SCHMIDT: On the assumption that you're elected president on day one, you'll walk
in... >> OBAMA: Yeah.
>> SCHMIDT: And the war will probably still be on.
>> OBAMA: Yeah. >> SCHMIDT: And we know your view that the
war was a mistake. >> OBAMA: Right.
>> SCHMIDT: But here it is, you're at the desk, what are you going to do?
>> OBAMA: We will call in--I will call in the Joint Chief of Staff, my Secretary Of
State Nominee, my National Security Advisor Nominee, and they will have a new mission,
which is to end this war. And it appears based on the advice that I've gotten from military
commanders that we can safely bring out one to two brigades per month. At that phase,
we will have our combat troops out in sixteen months. The only mission--we will not have
permanent basis in Iraq and we will not have combat operations in Iraq. The only mission
that I will allow will be to protect our embassy and our civilian personnel, diplomats, humanitarian
workers and we will have a narrowly targeted mission of if there are terrorist camps that
are amassing in Iraq that we have a strike capability. Now, it is important during those
16 months that we are redoubling our diplomatic efforts. The reason that it is so important,
I believe, to start getting our troops out is because the Iraqi government has declined
to negotiate with the various factions. The Sunnis, the Shiites, the Kurds have not come
together and arrive at the political accommodations that are necessary to solve this problem.
And we have not reached out to the regional powers including Iran, Syria--so not just
our friends, but also our enemies to arrive at a workable and stable Iraq. And this is
an argument that I've had with some of the other candidates, including Senator Clinton
in this race. And I think it's part of what signals a break from Bush-Cheney diplomacy;
the willingness to speak to our adversaries. President Kennedy once said, "We should never
negotiate out of fear, but we should never fear to negotiate." And the notion that not
talking to leaders we don't like makes us look tough is fundamentally flawed. It makes
us look arrogant and it sends a message to the world that we're not listening. And if
we change our diplomatic approach led by me, the president of the United States, that I
think will allow us to shift not just the situation in Iraq but change the climate in
the Middle East around the world. It will give us more leverage then to deal with terrorist
activity that's taking place in Afghanistan, in the border areas around Pakistan and elsewhere
in the region. >> SCHMIDT: Let's ask about--let's ask about
Iran, Guantanamo... >> OBAMA: Right.
>> SCHMIDT: Pakistan, give us your sense as leader what you would do with all of these
issues. >> OBAMA: I will talk to Iran directly. That
does not mean that we will be conceding any positions with Iran. It means that we will
listen and see where we can find common ground. I think Iran is a grave threat to security.
If they develop nuclear weapons, they could trigger another arms race in the Middle East.
It is indisputable that they have assisted Hezbollah and Hamas in terrorist activity
and--you know, their language, when it comes to Israel is unacceptable. But what is also
true is that we have repeatedly rebuffed gestures that might allow for some resolution of these
conflicts in a non-military way. And so, for us to say to them, "You stand out on the nuclear
issue and you may be able to join the World Trade organization. You stop supporting terrorist
activity; we are in a position to start normalizing relations." Having those conversations face-to-face
are important. Not--it may be that Ahmadinejad rejects it, but it will send a message to
Iranian people that they are not our enemy and it sends a message around the world that
we are doing business differently. Sarkozy, President Sarkozy, I know you just met with
him, Eric. He was quoted in the New Yorker a while back, and he said--he was asked what's
the most important thing America could do to help you, and he said, "Be more liked."
Be more liked. You know, and he wasn't joking because when our standing is low, it gives
us less leverage. We can't negotiate and maneuver. Many people are concerned probably here about
the genocide in Darfur. We would be in such a stronger position to ensure there was a
protective force on the ground and to save people's lives if we had more credibility
and more trust so that people--so that the Khartoum government couldn't say that, "Oh,
we're just trying to invade another Muslim country." So that's on Iran. Pakistan--Pakistan
is in a difficult situation right now. And in some ways, we've got the worst of both
worlds; we’ve got a military ruler who has locked up political opposition and institute
an emergency rule. So he's violating human rights in Pakistan and he also has not dealt
with terrorist activity inside his borders. We need to reverse course. I've already said
that we should suspend military that's not related to--directly to hunting down terrorists.
We should suspend that until military--emergency rule is lifted and prisoners were released
and they can proceed with what the Constitution of Pakistan has called for. This is a mistake
we repeatedly make. We think somehow and we made this all throughout the Cold War. We
think that by latching on to non-democratic authoritarian rule, we somehow contain--in
this case, Islamist extremism, it doesn’t contain as Islamist extremism. It makes people
believe that somehow the United States is opposed to their liberty, opposed to their
democracy. And that's not the side of history that we want to be on. Now, we have to make
sure that the nuclear weapons in Pakistan are secure. And that has to be our number
one priority and will be my number one priority as president. But understand Pakistan--the
democratic element in Pakistan, a big chunk of this movement is secular, it is middle-class.
And what they're seeking is for the kind of political liberty that we hope for. Last point,
Guantanamo, that's easy. We close down Guantanamo, restore Habeas Corpus, say no to renditions,
no to wireless wiretaps, you know, Part of my job as the next president is to break the
fever of fear that has been exploited by this administration, that--you know, we're told--you
know, we're told that we should be afraid of terrorists and immigrants and each other,
and it becomes the means by which our civil liberties are subverted, our values are distorted,
we start hearing our attorney general nominee not being certain as to whether simulated
drownings are torture. That's not who we are as Americans. And sometimes I’m accused
of being, you know, this progressive far--I'm conservative in a sense that I want us to
get back to those values that were essential to building America. Well....
>> SCHMIDT: The--let's talk a little about America, and the America that you see today
is one of extremes. And in your campaign, you've talked a lot about the people who are
not the--the economic winners, the educational winners, or whatever, and many people are
responding very strongly and positively to that message.
>> OBAMA: Right. >> SCHMIDT: Take us through what would be
different. What are you going to do, how are you going to deal with the very serious economic
problems, educational problems, a set of problems that we face here in the United States.
>> OBAMA: Well, let's start with acknowledging that our economy is out of balance. We have
seen extraordinary economic growth and, obviously, Google is a symbol of one sector of our economy
that's just been extraordinary; innovative, creative and lucrative, but there's a whole
another part of America that has been left behind. You know, if you look economically,
all the growth over the last two decades is essentially been captured by not just the
top five percent, but really the top one percent. And the average American worker's wages and
incomes have flatlined; they're not making progress. And they feel anxious about it,
and because they feel anxious about it, they are afraid of globalization. And that fear
has been fed by our politics. Now, my strong belief is that globalization is here to stay
and it is a powerful potential tool for good. But we've got to--but we've--but we have to
make sure that everybody has the ability to access what's good about globalization. And
right now, people are locked up. So very specifically, what would I do, I would transform our education
system and that means that we invest in early childhood education to close the achievement
gap that exists right now. And that's not just pre-kindergarten, I mean, it's zero over
to three. From the moment the child is born, if they're born to an at-risk parent, we're
going to that parent and we are helping them. If that parent can't read, we'll teach the
parent to read so they can read to their child. But make sure they're prepared for school.
That's step number one. The--in terms of K through 12, we know that the most important
element other than the parent in the child's learning is the teacher. So we--I will be
a president who stops talking about how great teachers are and actually starts rewarding
them for being great by paying them more money. We need to pay them higher salaries. We have
to give them more professional development, especially in their early years where they
start and we have to change how we asses progress for teachers because No Child Left Behind
has created a situation where people are being taught just the standardized test. They're
not being thought art, they're not being thought music, and it is stifling for the teacher
and for the student. Now, we have to have high standards, but those standards have to
build on what is best about the American education system, which is innovation, and creativity.
So that we have to take or we have to make college way more affordable. And one way to--one
way I will immediately do that is get to banks and financial institutions out of the business
of providing student loans. You can take billions of dollars of profits with the direct loan
program. So that's on the education front. We have to make investments in Broadband line
and infrastructure so that we are competitive. There has to be lifelong learning available
so that people can continually retrain. I mean, you know, I will steal a phrase from--I
think it was Tony Blair who said that, "We can't guarantee employment for everybody,
but we can guarantee that everybody is employable." And that means that people have to be able
to constantly transition in terms of their ability to adapt to new circumstances. And
technology can play a critical role in that, but we've got to make sure that it's accessible
and available to every person. And the last point I would make is that we've got to rebuild
our social safety net that has not been adapted since FDR. So, we've got to make sure that
healthcare is available even when you lose your job, that you have a retirement account
that follows you with the job. Part of the reason where an innovative society is--that
we've always felt that, you know what, if we take a risk and we make a misstep, that
there's some cushion there for--not just us but for our families as well. And that's why
universal healthcare is so important, that's why creating new systems for--to help people
say this is so important, so that we'll actually spur on people's willingness to take risks
in the marketplace. Right now, they don't feel as if they're able to do so.
>> A couple of final questions from me and then we'll ask some audience questions. I
had a privilege. I was watching 60 Minutes and I saw an interview with yourself and your
wife, Michelle, and there were a number of questions to you and then they asked--asked
your wife about it, and excuse, it’s rather a personal question. It's a question about
race. >> OBAMA: Uh-hmmm.
>> SCHMIDT: How did she feel about race, the dangers of presidency and so forth, and she
looked straight in the camera and she said, "I worry more about my husband walking down
the street from the Senate than anything else." At that moment, I understood the gap and perception
between people of races in America. And it was made vivid to me how different her view
and my view would be. The same question. >> OBAMA: All right.
>> SCHMIDT: Can you talk a little bit about that issue in America?
>> OBAMA: Absolutely. Look, the W. B. Du Bois said that the problem of the 21st--the problem
of the 20th century is the problem of the colored one. And if you expand that, the problem
of the 21st century is the problem of the other, people who are not like us, whether
it's in religious terms. If you go to Sri Lanka, it's, you know, what's been fueling
as a vicious civil war there even though everybody looks exactly the same, same with--in Northern
Ireland, or it manifests itself in this country in racial terms. And that--it has always been
a nagging problem. There have been reports just this week that African-Americans feel
more pessimistic than they have in a very long time and there's statistics that bear
out. Why--how they in fact have not kept pace when it comes to economic growth in this country.
The virulent and anti-immigrant sentiment that we're seeing all across the country is
something that has been striking. I mean, just in the last two years, you're seeing
a shift where, you know, I fought for comprehensive immigration reform two years ago and we didn't
succeed, but there wasn't this raw anger about it that you see now even when I'm campaigning
among Democrats sometimes. So part of what I believe I bring to this office is somebody
who sees the world through a variety of different races. My mother was white, my father was
African. I grew up in Hawaii. I've got a sister who's half Indonesian. She's married to a
Chinese Canadian. You know, I've said... >> SCHMIDT: It sounds like Google.
>> OBAMA: Yeah. It's--my family would fit right in here, no doubt about it. But people
talk about our federal budget deficit, right? We have an empathy deficit. We aren’t able
to see the world through other people's eyes. And that's what I think I can provide. Now,
very concretely, what we need to do when it comes to issues of race, I think a lot of
the tensions are tied to economics. African-Americans and Latinos are much more likely to be unemployed,
employed in lower-wage jobs, will not have healthcare, and be in substandard schools,
drops out of school. So on in every indicator, they're doing worse. And that contributes
to that gap in perceptions that you're talking about because, you know, the glass often looks
half empty to a lot of African-American and Latino children. And so, part of our job in
investing an early childhood education or making sure that they're going to outstanding
schools, or insuring equality of opportunity when it comes to employment, enforcing our
Civil Rights laws, investigating crimes like news is being hanged in classrooms. All that
contributes to a sense that these kids matter to us, that they're not those kids, they’re
our kids, and when we can have a culture and a government that perceives every child as
mattering, and then they will respond differently. And I think we will start stitching together
the kind of America that all of us hope and dream for.
>> SCHMIDT: That's promising, absolutely riveting. Let's get a couple of questions from the audience.
I've also got--why don't you go ahead--and I've also got some that were submitted that
we also ranked, so, go ahead. >> First of all, thank so much for coming.
Your words are really inspiring. >> OBAMA: Thank you.
>> And we really appreciate it. You know, I've been voting for quite few a years, a
little older than the average Googler. And… >> OBAMA: Yeah, you know, you, like, look
like you might almost be my age. >> Maybe a little older.
>> OBAMA: Yeah. >> And, you know, Bill Clinton is the only
Democrat elected in the last 30 years. And he's the only Democrat elected twice since
World War II. >> OBAMA: Right.
>> I'm tired of losing. >> OBAMA: Right.
>> So, what have you learned from Clinton that is going to make you win? What are you
going to do differently? And what have you learned from Gore and from Kerry and all those
guys that you're going to avoid so that history doesn’t reoccur?
>> OBAMA: Well, first of all, I think--there's a lot to learn from Bill Clinton. I mean,
one of the things that Clinton did I think was recognize the moment. We were in a particular
moment in 1991-'92 when the Democrats had not wrung out the excesses of the '60s and
the early '70s, we were still deeply invested in identity politics and interest group politics.
And the Democratic Congress wasn’t showing itself adaptable and shaking off some of the
orthodoxies of the past. And he came in and he said, "You know what? I'm a different kind
of Democrat, and I'm willing to do things in some new ways." And that was a powerful
message for that moment. The reason I'm running and the reason I believe I'm going to win
is because we are in a different moment. So you can't just copy what Bill Clinton did,
but you have to take the same approach. What is it that's needed right now? And I believe
that what's needed right now is the capacity to bring people together to think in practical
reasoned ways about big problems that we face to be straight with the American people about--and
honest with them about the challenges that we face. So part of what our message is built
around is that we are in this defining moment and we can't keep doing the same things that
we've been doing that haven’t been working. So that's point number one. What I've learned
in terms of how Democrats lose? Democrats lose when they are not clear about what they
stand for. Democrats lose when they are attacked, and because they don't know where they stand,
they end up getting defensive instead of going on the offensive. So, let me give you a very
specific example, I am looking forward to having a debate with whether it's Rudy Giuliani
or Mitt Romney about the fear mongering that has dominated the Republican debate of, like,
where they're going to say I'm going to double Guantanamo. Or, I'm going to, I think torture
is okay. Or, you know, at least we'll redefine torture. So torture is not okay, but these
things that look on off are like--like it, are okay. Or we need to do whatever it takes
to read people's e-mails. And I am looking forward to having that debate. But the problem
we have is when we get defensive, and we're not sure about our beliefs and our convictions,
and so we start trying to sound a little bit like them, and that is a profound mistake.
One of the things that my wife and I, we said to ourselves when we got into this race is
if we start sounding like anybody--everybody else, then what's the point, you know? I should
go work for Google, you know, it'll be more fun.
>> SCHMIDT: You answered the question correctly. >> OBAMA: I did answer the question correctly.
So making sure that we're clear about where we stand, honest with the American people,
seizing the moment and recognizing that we have to deal with climate change now, we have
to deal with healthcare now. We have to revamp our education system now. We have to double
our investment and research and science now and understanding that we don't have a lot
of time to waste. That I think is going to be a compelling message for the American people.
Thank you. Thanks. >> SCHMIDT: We--okay, thank you very much,
Senator. We have an electronically submitted question dealing with federal deficit.
>> OBAMA: Okay. >> SCHMIDT: What concrete steps will the Obama
Administration take to address the federal government's deficit and debt? What specific
tax measures and program changes will you recommend to Congress?
>> OBAMA: This has been the fiscally the most irresponsible administration that we have
seen. I mean, we have increased the national debt, almost doubled it since George Bush
took office. It is now over $9 trillion. And that is money that we're all going to have
to pay back. So, the first thing that we have to do is to bring an end to this war in Iraq.
We're spending $10 to $12 billion per month. The latest request for both Iraq and Afghanistan
are $196 billion for next year. One year, a $196 billion. That is money that could be
providing health insurance to all Americans. It could be rebuilding our schools. It could
be providing higher teachers’ salaries. It could be providing scholarships for every
American, young persons going to college. So we are using our resources in a way that's
not sound. We can recapture some of that money. Some of it will go to taking care of our veterans,
some of it should go to social programs, and some of it should go towards deficit reduction.
Second principle is a very similar principle called Pay Go. If you want to cut taxes, you’ve
got to cut spending, if you want to raise spending, you got to raise revenue, so that
you have honest accounting. Right now, the federal budget is not honest. And unless we
have good numbers, we can't end up dealing with this budget issue. Now, the biggest problem
we have in terms of our budget though long term. And look, I want to eliminate no-bid
contracts. I want to scrub the federal budget free of earmarks and pet projects that are
not based on our national priorities and that require transparency in government. I talked
earlier about the power of technology. One of the things that we've done, you'll be pleased
to know that we call this the Google for Government bill and…
>> SCHMIDT: Google is in favor of it. >> OBAMA: Yes. And what it does is we're going
to set up a searchable database for every dollar of federal spending so that we can
track it, which means that we'll be able to--journalist and ordinary citizens and think tanks and,
you know, advocacy groups will be able to see it. There are moneys going to a bridge
to nowhere instead of going to a bridge to somewhere. We'll be able to challenge it in
real time and that's going to be important. But the last thing I was going to mention--and
this is probably the biggest problem we have with the federal budget is healthcare spending;
Medicare and Medicaid. That's the big budget buster. That's the scary thing out there that
it will be, like, the blop. It will just consume everything unless we do something about it
now. And again, technology is part of the answer. And innovation is going to be part
of the answer in reducing these costs. The reason that healthcare cost is skyrocketing
is not so much that the population is getting older, that contributes a little bit to it,
but the main problem is healthcare inflation goes up six, eight, ten percent per year.
It's unsustainable. And so for example, if we use Health I. T., just simple stuff, making
sure that everybody's medical records are on digital--in a digital form, so that when
a nurse pulls up somebody's chart, they can actually read the writing, and they’re not
administering the wrong drug. Making sure that billing is all electronic. That can make
a huge difference, investing and prevention, so that children are getting regular check-ups
instead of having to go to the emergency room for treatable illnesses like asthma. That
makes an enormous difference. That will probably be the biggest savings item for our federal
budget if we do it right. And people like yourselves can be a part of that process.
>> SCHMIDT: Thank you. Ethan. >> ETHAN: Thank you, Senator Obama, for coming
to visit us. And we’re really pulling for you out here in the Bay area.
>> OBAMA: Thank you. >> ETHAN: I'm a big supporter and a vocal
supporter, and the biggest issue that I constantly hear brought up about you is the lack of experience,
the inexperience issue. >> OBAMA: Right.
>> ETHAN: And I heard about it amongst my friends, you read about that in the press,
I'm sure you’ve had the answers to lots of questions about it, without getting into--frankly,
I guess you can--but without getting whether experience makes a difference or not, but
what you’re actually going to do to address this perceived weakness and allow a lot of
voters that want to get behind you and want to support you to get past this issue of inexperience.
>> OBAMA: Right. Well, look. The--first of all, Sergey and Larry didn’t have a lot
of experience starting a fortune 100 companies. And it's a--and I suppose when they came in,
we're talking to Dave Drummond about incorporating Google. You could have said, "Duh, these guys
don't know what they’re doing." But, you know, what we're looking for, I believe, when
it comes to leadership is judgment, vision, character. And that's what I bring to bear
in this race. I have the experience of bringing people together to get things done that I
would put up against any candidate in this race. When I was in Illinois, I expanded healthcare
to Illinoisians by getting Democrats and Republicans to agree and work together. We were able to
reform a death penalty system that was broken by getting law enforcement and Civil Rights
advocates to agree on things that people said was--were impossible, but I was able to get
it done, probably, because I'm pretty good at listening to people and finding common
ground. I've also got the ability to stand up for what I believe in even when it's unpopular,
which I think is the quality that the next president has to provide. I mean part of the
reason I was opposed to the war--I was opposed to the war in Iraq back in 2002 when George
Bush was at 65%, I didn’t just stumble into that. It was based on having thought through
what the consequences would be, understanding that I was running in the U.S. Senate race,
and I might lose my race, but I thought that it was important to speak out forcefully on
what I believed in. I think that's what the next president has to offer. And I know how
to choose talent, get smart people around me who are capable and independent and bring
together a variety of different points of views and then set a vision and move in the
same direction, that, more than anything is what we need. We're not looking for a Chief
Operating Officer when we select a president. What were looking for is somebody who will
say--will chart a course and say, "Here's where America needs to go. Here's how we need
to solve our energy crises. Here's how we need to revamp our education system," and
then gather the talent together and mobilize that talent to achieve that goal and to inspire
a sense of hope and possibility. So one way to answer this question is to say, "Look,
the guy has been in the public service for 20 years. He's a constitutional law professor.
He was a Civil Rights lawyer. He did X, Y, and Z in the state legislature. He's done
all these wonderful things in the United States Senate." But I think the main way to respond
is to say, "This is all about judgment and character." And also, I think, a little sense
of impatience because part of the reason I'm running is I'm impatient with the status quo.
And what we've seen out of Democrats and Republicans--what we’ve seen from Democrats and Republicans
is a certain willingness to tolerate, what I consider to be an intolerable status quo.
And I think the American people feel that same frustration. So, thank you.
>> SCHMIDT: Thank you. Then we have our--we're going to have our, unfortunately, our last
question, so why don't you go ahead. >> Senator, you said you had a bias to act
against special interest. >> OBAMA: Yeah.
>> But if special interests were having a perverting influence on the entire legislative
process, what can you propose as president that can make it through that process intact?
>> OBAMA: Yeah, it is the classic question of how do you get insiders to fix the system
that they’re benefiting from, and it's hard. You have to use shame. No, and I mean it.
I'll give you an example. Last year, I passed the toughest ethics reform legislation since
Watergate. And I worked with Russ Feingold and we eliminated corporate gifts or gifts
from lobbyists, meals from lobbyists, and corporate jets from lobbyists. We required
the disclosure of campaign contributions that were bundled from lobbyists. And I'll be honest
with you, when we first started, it wasn’t just resistance from Republicans, there were
Democrats who didn’t want to see this happen either. But what I knew was that if you stuck
with it and you got it to the floor where the people had to vote, then it was going
to be hard for them to vote against it. So part of the key for any reform is going to
be getting the American people to pay enough attention, that members of Congress start
worrying, "You know what, the American are looking at us. And so we better change how
we behave," that's why this Google for Government is so important because it--that's why transparency
generally is so important in this entire process because the more American people know, the
more government is going to be held accountable. And I'll give you just one very specific example
around healthcare. I've mention that I want to set up a system where every American has
healthcare that's at least as good as the healthcare I've got as a member of Congress.
And if people want to--and if you’re interested in the details of the healthcare plan, you
can go to my website, barackobama.com. But people asked me, "Well, why do you think you
can get it done and overcome the insurance and the drug companies to spent a billion
dollars over the last decade preventing the reform from happening in lobbying and campaign
contributions?" And what I tell them is, "Yeah, I respect what the Clintons tried to do in
1993, in moving health reform forward." But they made one really big mistake and that
is they took all their people and all their experts into a room and then they close the
door and they try to design the plan in isolation from the American people. And during that
period of time, the insurance companies and the drug companies, and the HMOs they mobilized,
and by the time the Clintons announced their plan, you already have this Harry and Louise
heads up, you guys don't remember this, you weren’t born, maybe, I'm teasing. You were
six. But these ads were out there that convinced the American people they should be afraid
of healthcare reform. Now, I will do it entirely differently. Within the first 100 days of
my administration, we are going to have a big table, and everybody is going to be invited;
laborer, employers, doctors, nurses, hospital administrators, patient advocate groups, the
drug and insurance company, they’re all going to sit at the table, they just won't
get to buy every chair. And we will work on this process publicly. It will be on C-SPAN.
It will be streaming over the net. And every time we hit a glitch where somebody says,
"Well, no, no, no, we can't lower drug prices because of, yeah, RND cost that drug companies
need." Well, we'll present data and facts that make it more difficult for people to
carry the water of their special interest because it's public. And if they start running
Harry and Louise ads, I'll make my own ads or I'll send out something on YouTube, I’m
president, and I'll be able to--I'll let them know what the facts are. But, you know, one
of the things that you learn when you’re traveling and running for president is the
American people at their core are a decent people. There's a generosity of spirit there
and there's common sense their, but it's not tapped. And many people are--they are just
misinformed or they’re too busy, they're trying to get their kids to school, they're
working, but they just don't have enough information or just they're not professionals at sorting
out all information that's out there. And so our political process gets skewed, but
if you give them good information, their instincts are good and they will make good decisions.
And the president has the bully pulpit to give them good information, and that's what
we have to return to as a government where the American people trust the information
they’re getting. And I'm really looking forward to doing that because I am a big believer
in reason, in facts, in evidence, in science, in feedback, everything that allows you to
do what you do, that's what we should be doing in our government. I want people in technology.
I want innovators and engineers and scientists like yourselves, I want you helping us make
policy based on facts, based on reason. You know, one of my favorite stories I have from
Washington is Daniel Patrick Moynihan, he was a giant of the Senate and a very, you
know, towering intellect. And he got an argument one time with another senator, and the other
senator apparently was losing the argument, and so he got kind of huffy, and he said,
"Well, Pat, you know, you're entitled to your opinion and I'm entitled to mine." And Moynihan
says, "You are entitled to your own opinion, but you’re not entitled to your own facts."
And part of the problem that we're having and special interests exploit this is we constantly
have a contest where facts don't matter. And I want to restore that sense of decisions
being based on facts to the White House. And I think that many of you can help me, so I
want you to be involved. Thank you so much everybody.
>> SCHMIDT: Thank you. >> OBAMA: Thank you.
>> SCHMIDT: Senator, thank you very much. >> OBAMA: Thank you.